Trevor Bauer says'playoff teams' wanted to sign him but team owners, MLB have blocked every move MLW owner talks Tessa Blanchard, Masha Slamovich signings: 'I believe in forgiveness' Dez Bryant's attorney alleges the ex-NFL star targeted in wild parking altercation: 'It was set up' JACKSON THOMPSON: Colorado Gov-elect Phil Weiser signals possible changes to girls' sports ballot measure Minnesota Vikings' soft benching of Kyler Murray leads to Carson Wentz taking over as new starting QB FIFA could see legal action if Women's World Cup players don't get equal pay: report Adult film star had no idea she was MLB player's side chick until he got engaged, Lindsey Vonn's happy & more LIV Golf is officially over after announcing plans to'wind-down' operations after failed rescue deal LeBron James sends cease and desist to'Bron AI' sports betting app over unauthorized likeness Putin accuses hockey organizations of'gross violation' as Canada bars Russia from World Juniors Democrats need to earn back Americans' trust: Former Pennsylvania congressman Melania Trump says'we have chosen humanity over war' amid partial Russia-Ukraine humanitarian ceasefire Former WH chief of staff says Vance-Rubio 2028 would be Trump's'dream ticket' DSA mayoral wins spark debate over Democratic Party's direction Colorado Democrat calls for'fast' end to Iran war amid Abdul El-Sayed's call for investigation UAW member: You don't get a choice if the government runs this program Son says father's medically assisted death in Canada happened with shocking speed OutKick Super Bowl champion Rod Woodson says the KKK tried to burn his family's home down when he was 11 years old Rod Woodson recalls a terrifying story to Craig Carton, explaining how the KKK tried to destroy his house. Super Bowl champion Rod Woodson said the Ku Klux Klan tried to burn down his house when he was a kid. Woodson, whose father was Black and mother was White, said he was 11 years old when he woke up in the middle of the night to flames emanating from the back of his house. This page may contain affiliate links to legal sports betting partners. If you sign up or place a wager, FOX News may be compensated.

A week after Donald Trump's election, a thirty-year-old cognitive scientist named Maya Shankar purchased a plane ticket to Flint, Michigan. Shankar held one of the more unorthodox jobs in the Obama White House, running the Social and Behavioral Sciences Team, also known as the President's "nudge unit." When she launched the team, in early 2014, it felt, Shankar recalls, "like a startup in my parents' basement"--no budget, no mandate, no bona-fide employees. Within two years, the small group of scientists had become a staff of dozens--including an agricultural economist, an industrial psychologist, and "human-centered designers"--working with more than twenty federal agencies on seventy projects, from fixing gaps in veterans' health care to relieving student debt. Usually, the initiatives had, at their core, one question: Could the growing body of knowledge about the quirks of the human brain be used to improve public policy? For months, Shankar had been thinking about how to bring behavioral science to bear on the problems in Flint, where a crisis stemming from lead contamination of the drinking water had stretched on for almost two years. She wondered if lessons from the beleaguered city could inform the Administration's approach to the broader threat posed by lead across America--in pipes, in paint, in dust, and in soil. "Flint is not the only place poisoning kids," Shankar said. In recent years, behavioral science has become a voguish field. In 2002, the Israeli psychologist Daniel Kahneman won a Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences for his work with a colleague, Amos Tversky, exploring the peculiarities of human decision-making in the face of uncertainty. A basic premise of the discipline they'd helped to create was that people's cognition is bias-prone, and susceptible to the cognitive equivalent of optical illusions. As a result, small tweaks of presentation or circumstance could make a major difference: if a judge rendered a decision about granting parole just before a meal, the inmate's odds for a favorable outcome dipped to near zero; just after the judge ate, the chances rose to around sixty-five per cent. Grocers had learned that they could sell double the amount of soup if they placed a sign above their cans reading "limit of 12 per person." But, for all the field's potential, its advances seemed mostly to have served the private sector. A prominent exception was the "nudge," a notion advanced by the legal scholar Cass R. Sunstein, now at Harvard Law School, and the University of Chicago behavioral economist Richard Thaler, in their 2008 best-seller "Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness."