Kleber Mendonça Filho wants his films to reclaim lost history. For Kleber Mendonça Filho, filmmaking is an act of both provocation and preservation. Mendonça was born in 1968, in the early years of a ruthless military dictatorship--a time when cinema, like much else, was harshly constrained. His mother, Joselice Jucá, was a historian who studied Brazil's abolitionist movement, and she taught him that filling gaps in the cultural memory was a way to expose concealed truths. His relationship with film is inextricably linked with his home town, Recife--a port city where attractive beaches and high-rise developments coexist with sprawling favelas and rampant crime. In his youth, Mendonça was fascinated by the city's grand cinema palaces. He carried a Super 8 camera to the tops of marquees and shot dizzying images; he spent hours in projection booths, learning the mechanics of how films reached the screen. Over time, Mendonça watched those theatres fall into decline, an experience that he likened to being aboard a ship as it wrecked. But even as Recife lost its allure, he made the city a fixture of his films--a way of vindicating its place in history. His first narrative feature, "Neighboring Sounds," takes place on a street where he lived as a child, a setting that he spent years documenting. Later, he made "Pictures of Ghosts," a documentary about Recife told largely through its cinemas.

In today's digital age, images have emerged as powerful tools for politicians to engage with their voters on social media platforms. Visual content possesses a unique emotional appeal that often leads to increased user engagement. However, research on visual communication remains relatively limited, particularly in the Global South. This study aims to bridge this gap by employing a combination of computational methods and qualitative approach to investigate the visual communication strategies employed in a dataset of 11,263 Instagram posts by 19 Brazilian presidential candidates in 2018 and 2022 national elections. Through two studies, we observed consistent patterns across these candidates on their use of visual political communication. Notably, we identify a prevalence of celebratory and positively toned images. They also exhibit a strong sense of personalization, portraying candidates connected with their voters on a more emotional level. We note a substantial presence of screenshots from news websites and other social media platforms. Furthermore, text-edited images with portrayals emerge as a prominent feature. In light of these results, we engage in a discussion regarding the implications for the broader field of visual political communication. This article serves as a testament to the pivotal role that Instagram has played in shaping the narrative of two fiercely polarized Brazilian elections, casting a revealing light on the ever-evolving dynamics of visual political communication in the digital age. Finally, we propose avenues for future research in the realm of visual political communication. Introduction In the ever-evolving arena of election campaigns, candidates rely heavily on the media as their megaphone to amplify their messages to the masses. Over the years, the landscape of political communication has undergone a profound transformation. This transformation has been driven by the rise of online social media platforms, which have emerged as indispensable tools for candidates in their quest to gauge public sentiment and rally support from the electorate (Boulianne & Olof Larsson, 2023; Farkas & Bene, 2021). The significance of this transformation has been further accentuated by the global ascent of populist leaders, spanning diverse nations, who have wholeheartedly embraced social media as their primary mode of communication (Bernardi & Costa, 2020; Novoselova, 2020).

Every other day, my WhatsApp bursts with messages from friends in Brazil and abroad expressing equal parts of excitement and apprehension as Sunday's Brazilian presidential elections approach. On Wednesday, my best friend who lives in the country's capital, Brasília, texted to say she was scared of wearing red clothes to go vote this weekend because red is the color associated with the Worker's Party of former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Lula, the current front-runner, has a real, if slim, chance to beat far-right incumbent President Jair Bolsonaro in the first round by getting more than 50 percent of valid votes. "The mood is terrible," she wrote, later adding that in the last 48 hours, four instances of political violence had been recorded across the country. My friend's worries are justified.

Among the goals of information operations are to change the overall information environment vis-\'a-vis specific actors. For example, "trolling campaigns" seek to undermine the credibility of specific public figures, leading others to distrust them and intimidating these figures into silence. To accomplish these aims, information operations frequently make use of "trolls" -- malicious online actors who target verbal abuse at these figures. In Brazil, in particular, allies of Brazil's current president have been accused of operating a "hate cabinet" -- a trolling operation that targets journalists who have alleged corruption by this politician and other members of his regime. Leading approaches to detecting harmful speech, such as Google's Perspective API, seek to identify specific messages with harmful content. While this approach is helpful in identifying content to downrank, flag, or remove, it is known to be brittle, and may miss attempts to introduce more subtle biases into the discourse. Here, we aim to develop a measure that might be used to assess how targeted information operations seek to change the overall valence, or appraisal, of specific actors. Preliminary results suggest known campaigns target female journalists more so than male journalists, and that these campaigns may leave detectable traces in overall Twitter discourse.