It is important to study how strategic agents can affect the outcome of an election. There has been a long line of research in the computational study of elections on the complexity of manipulative actions such as manipulation and bribery. These problems model scenarios such as voters casting strategic votes and agents campaigning for voters to change their votes to make a desired candidate win. A common assumption is that the preferences of the voters follow the structure of a domain restriction such as single peakedness, and so manipulators only consider votes that also satisfy this restriction. We introduce the model where the preferences of the voters define their own restriction and strategic actions must ``conform'' by using only these votes. In this model, the election after manipulation will retain common domain restrictions. We explore the computational complexity of conformant manipulative actions and we discuss how conformant manipulative actions relate to other manipulative actions.

Determining the complexity of election attack problems is a major research direction in the computational study of voting problems. The paper "Towards completing the puzzle: complexity of control by replacing, adding, and deleting candidates or voters" by Erd\'elyi et al. (JAAMAS 2021) provides a comprehensive study of the complexity of control problems. The sole open problem is constructive control by replacing voters for 2-Approval. We show that this case is in P, strengthening the recent RP (randomized polynomial-time) upper bound due to Fitzsimmons and Hemaspaandra (IJCAI 2022). We show this by transforming 2-Approval CCRV to weighted matching. We also use this approach to show that priced bribery for 2-Veto elections is in P. With this result, and the accompanying (unsurprising) result that priced bribery for 3-Veto elections is NP-complete, this settles the complexity for $k$-Approval and $k$-Veto standard control and bribery cases.

The computational study of elections generally assumes that the preferences of the electorate come in as a list of votes. Depending on the context, it may be much more natural to represent the preferences of the electorate succinctly, as the distinct votes and their counts. Though the succinct representation may be exponentially smaller than the nonsuccinct, we find only one natural case where the complexity increases, in sharp contrast to the case where each voter has a weight, where the complexity usually increases.

Scoring systems are an extremely important class of election systems. A length-m (so-called) scoring vector applies only to m-candidate elections. To handle general elections, one must use a family of vectors, one per length. The most elegant approach to making sure such families are "family-like'' is the recently introduced notion of (polynomial-time uniform) pure scoring rules, where each scoring vector is obtained from its precursor by adding one new coefficient. We obtain the first dichotomy theorem for pure scoring rules for a control problem. In particular, for constructive control by adding voters (CCAV), we show that CCAV is solvable in polynomial time for k-approval with k<=3, k-veto with k<=2, every pure scoring rule in which only the two top-rated candidates gain nonzero scores, and a particular rule that is a "hybrid" of 1-approval and 1-veto. For all other pure scoring rules, CCAV is NP-complete. We also investigate the descriptive richness of different models for defining pure scoring rules, proving how more rule-generation time gives more rules, proving that rationals give more rules than do the natural numbers, and proving that some restrictions previously thought to be "w.l.o.g." in fact do lose generality.

For many election systems, bribery (and related) attacks have been shown NP-hard using constructions on combinatorially rich structures such as partitions and covers. It is important to learn how robust these hardness protection results are, in order to find whether they can be relied on in practice. This paper shows that for voters who follow the most central political-science model of electorates — single-peaked preferences — those protections vanish. By using single-peaked preferences to simplify combinatorial covering challenges, we show that NP-hard bribery problems — including those for Kemeny and Llull elections- — fall to polynomial time. By using single-peaked preferences to simplify combinatorial partition challenges, we show that NP-hard partition-of-voters problems fall to polynomial time. We furthermore show that for single-peaked electorates, the winner problems for Dodgson and Kemeny elections, though Θ 2 p -complete in the general case, fall to polynomial time. And we completely classify the complexity of weighted coalition manipulation for scoring protocols in single-peaked electorates.