The paper examines how EU rules in AI, 5G, and cybersecurity operate as transnational governance and shape policy in Guatemala. It outlines the AI Act's risk approach, the 5G Action Plan and Security Toolbox, and the cybersecurity regime built on ENISA, NIS2, the Cybersecurity Act, and the Cyber Resilience Act. It traces extraterritorial channels such as the Brussels effect, private standards, supply chain clauses, and data transfer controls. Guatemala specific impacts include SME compliance costs, procurement limits, environmental trade-offs in rollout, rights risks, and capacity gaps. The paper maps current national measures and proposes five guardrails: digital constitutionalism, green IT duties, third country impact assessment, standards co-design, and recognition of regulatory diversity.

With the Artificial Intelligence Act (AI Act), we have – again – crossed the Rubicon. The die has been cast, there is no way back. We are setting standards for another industry that until now has been left mostly on its own, that has important social functions, and that is of central importance in the global tech rivalry. The European electorate was and still is quite united in demanding rules for digital players while maintaining easy digital access and a competitiveness for all things digital. With the AI Act and other legislation currently under way in such fields as cybersecurity, data, crypto and chips, the European Union is finalizing what it began with the General Data Privacy Regulation (GDPR), the Digital Services Act (DSA) and the Digital Markets Act (DMA). It will surely not be the last time digital policy is undertaken in Brussels, and updates to these regulations are partly already necessary.

The new regulations, known as the Internet Information Service Algorithmic Recommendation Management Provisions, have been drafted by the Cyberspace Administration of China, the body that enforces cybersecurity, internet censorship, and e-commerce rules. Terming the new rules as regulations for deep synthesis technology, GAC is implementing them to protect people's legitimate rights and interests. These significant policies are being implemented to ensure more effective services (e.g., ride-hailing, social media) for the country's over 1.4 billion people and manage tech companies and services providers. Artificial Intelligence issues are of concern to China. President Xi Jinping alluded to such challenges in his speech last October, "Some unhealthy and disorderly signals and trends have occurred in the rapid development of our country's digital economy."

The U.K. government has announced a national AI strategy -- its first dedicated package aimed at boosting the country's capabilities in and around machine learning technologies over the longer term. It says it hopes the strategy will lead to an increase in the number and types of AIs being developed and commercialized in the U.K. over the next 10 years. The plan to prioritize and "level up" development and applications of artificial intelligence follows earlier industrial and digital strategies -- which talked up the promise of AI. But Boris Johnson's government is now inching onward, announcing a 10-year plan to invest in making Britain "a global AI superpower", as the government's PR puts it -- by targeting support at areas like upskilling and reskilling in the hopes of reaping AI-driven economic rewards down the line. Whether there's much of policy substance here, as yet, looks debatable.

The European Commission's incoming president has promised to introduce new legislation governing AI amid fears about Europe's increasing dependence on US tech. Ursula von der Leyen set out her plans in a speech on Wednesday after the European Parliament approved her and her cabinet's appointment. The commission chief, who has pledged to create a range of new laws within the first 100 days of her presidency, said she was in favour of a AI-focused legislation similar to the General Data Protection Regulation that came into effect last year. "It is not about damming up the flow of data," she said. "It is about making rules that define how to handle data responsibly. For us the protection of a person's digital identity is the overriding priority."

As it is typical for any realpolitik, citizens are becoming less relevant in digital realpolitik. They are personally targeted in advertising and surveillance efforts by corporations and governments. Individuals per se are getting lost in big numbers. The individual is just one amongst billions of Facebook users, and just one amongst billions of contributors to Google searches. Governments are increasingly speaking about digital sovereignty and less about the empowerment of individuals. Citizens are becoming more and more the object of digital growth and less and less the engine behind it, as it has been since the early days of the Internet. On a promising note, realpolitik provides a more realistic picture of interests and risks as well as winners and losers resulting from Internet developments. It is in this way that realpolitik can contribute to creating the basis for more solid and sustainable Internet development. Governments are likely to continue striking deals with Internet companies in order to recuperate some taxes. The bilateral deals could be the building blocks for a more structured approach to revenues from the digital economy.