We perform a sentiment analysis of all tweets published on the microblogging platform Twitter in the second half of 2008. We use a psychometric instrument to extract six mood states (tension, depression, anger, vigor, fatigue, confusion) from the aggregated Twitter content and compute a six-dimensional mood vector for each day in the timeline. We compare our results to a record of popular events gathered from media and sources. We find that events in the social, political, cultural and economic sphere do have a significant, immediate and highly specific effect on the various dimensions of public mood. We speculate that large scale analyses of mood can provide a solid platform to model collective emotive trends in terms of their predictive value with regards to existing social as well as economic indicators.

In this paper we propose a research agenda on the use of information markets as tools to collect, aggregate and analyze citizens’ opinions, expectations and preferences from social media in order to support public policy design and implementation. We argue that markets are institutional settings able to efficiently allocate scarce resources, aggregate and disseminate information into prices and accommodate hedging against various types of risks. We discuss various types of information markets, as well as address the participation of both human and computational agents in such markets.

In this work, we study the use of Twitter by House, Senate and gubernatorial candidates during the midterm (2010) elections in the U.S. Our data includes almost 700 candidates and over 690k documents that they produced and cited in the 3.5 years leading to the elections. We utilize graph and text mining techniques to analyze differences between Democrats, Republicans and Tea Party candidates, and suggest a novel use of language modeling for estimating content cohesiveness. Our findings show significant differences in the usage patterns of social media, and suggest conservative candidates used this medium more effectively, conveying a coherent message and maintaining a dense graph of connections. Despite the lack of party leadership, we find Tea Party members display both structural and language-based cohesiveness. Finally, we investigate the relation between network structure, content and election results by creating a proof-of-concept model that predicts candidate victory with an accuracy of 88.0%.

Social news aggregator services generate readers’ subjective reactions to news opinion articles. Can we use those as a resource to classify articles as liberal or conservative, even without knowing the self-identified political leaning of most users? We applied three semi-supervised learning methods that propagate classifications of political news articles and users as conservative or liberal, based on the assumption that liberal users will vote for liberal articles more often, and similarly for conservative users and articles. Starting from a few labeled articles and users, the algorithms propagate political leaning labels to the entire graph. In cross-validation, the best algorithm achieved 99.6% accuracy on held-out users and 96.3% accuracy on held-out articles. Adding social data such as users’ friendship or text features such as cosine similarity did not improve accuracy. The propagation algorithms, using the subjective liking data from users, also performed better than an SVM based text classifier, which achieved 92.0% accuracy on articles.

We consider prominence ranking in graphs involving actors, their artifacts and the artifact groups. When multiple actors contributing to an artifact constitutes a social tie, associations between the artifacts can be used to infer prominence among actors. This is because prominent actors will tend to collaborate on prominent artifacts, and prominent artifacts will be associated with other prominent artifacts. Our testbed example is the DBLP co-authorship graph: multiple authors (the actors) collaborate to publish research papers (the artifacts); collaboration is the social tie. Papers have prominence themselves (eg. quality and impact of the work) and the prominence of the venues are tied to the prominence of the papers in them. We use our methods to infer prominence based on the venue-based associations of papers, and compare our rankings with external citation based measures of prominence. We compare with numerous other ranking algorithms, and show that the ranking performance gain from using the venues is statistically significant. What if there are no natural artifact groups like venues? We develop a new algorithm which uses discovered artifact groups. Our approach consists of two steps. First, we find artifact groups by linking artifacts with common contributors. Note that instead of finding communities of actors, we consider communities of artifacts. We then use these grouped artifacts in the prominence ranking algorithm. We consider different methods for obtaining the artifact groups, in particular a very efficient embedding based algorithm for graph clustering and show the effectiveness of our method in improving the ranking of actors. The inferred groups are as good as or better than the natural conference venues for DBLP.

In the last years, the blogosphere has become a vital part of the web, covering a variety of different points of view and opinions on political and event-related topics such as immigration, election campaigns, or economic developments. Tracking the public opinion is usually done by conducting surveys resulting in significant costs both for interviewers and persons consulted. In this paper, we propose a method for extracting political trends in the blogosphere.To this end, we apply sentiment and time series analysis techniques in combination with aggregation methods on blog data to estimate the temporal development of opinions on politicians.

We study astroturf political campaigns on microblogging platforms: politically-motivated individuals and organizations that use multiple centrally-controlled accounts to create the appearance of widespread support for a candidate or opinion. We describe a machine learning framework that combines topological, content-based and crowdsourced features of information diffusion networks on Twitter to detect the early stages of viral spreading of political misinformation.  We present promising preliminary results with better than 96% accuracy in the detection of astroturf content in the run-up to the 2010 U.S. midterm elections.

Social media, such as blogs, are often seen as democratic entities that allow more voices to be heard than the conventional mass or elite media. Some also feel that social media exhibits a balancing force against the arguably slanted elite media. A systematic comparison between social and mainstream media is necessary but challenging due to the scale and dynamic nature of modern communication. Here we propose empirical measures to quantify the extent and dynamics of social (blog) and mainstream (news) media bias. We focus on a particular form of bias--coverage quantity--as applied to stories about the 111th US Congress. We compare observed coverage of Members of Congress against a null model of unbiased coverage, testing for biases with respect to political party, popular front runners, regions of the country, and more. Our measures suggest distinct characteristics in news and blog media. A simple generative model, in agreement with data, reveals differences in the process of coverage selection between the two media.

This paper addresses the task of user classification in social media, with an application to Twitter. We automatically infer the values of user attributes such as political orientation or ethnicity by leveraging observable information such as the user behavior, network structure and the linguistic content of the user’s Twitter feed. We employ a machine learning approach which relies on a comprehensive set of features derived from such user information. We report encouraging experimental results on 3 tasks with different characteristics: political affiliation detection, ethnicity identification and detecting affinity for a particular business. Finally, our analysis shows that rich linguistic features prove consistently valuable across the 3 tasks and show great promise for additional user classification needs.

In this study we investigate how social media shape the networked public sphere and facilitate communication between communities with different political orientations. We examine two networks of political communication on Twitter, comprised of more than 250,000 tweets from the six weeks leading up to the 2010 U.S. congressional midterm elections. Using a combination of network clustering algorithms and manually-annotated data we demonstrate that the network of political retweets exhibits a highly segregated partisan structure, with extremely limited connectivity between left- and right-leaning users. Surprisingly this is not the case for the user-to-user mention network, which is dominated by a single politically heterogeneous cluster of users in which ideologically-opposed individuals interact at a much higher rate compared to the network of retweets. To explain the distinct topologies of the retweet and mention networks we conjecture that politically motivated individuals provoke interaction by injecting partisan content into information streams whose primary audience consists of ideologically-opposed users. We conclude with statistical evidence in support of this hypothesis.